Gérer la citoyenneté, la sécurité et les droits: comprendre la régulation de la migration de mariage en Europe et en Amérique du Nord.
This study seeks to consider how marriage migration to the UK has been regulated from 1900 to the present day, as well as analysing some of the contributory factors to and consequences of such regulation. Immigration in general often raises acute tensions across political boundaries and marriage migrants have raised particular socio-political issues which various administrations have attempted to address over the years. Issues of race, gender, culture and identity and different theorisations of the limits of state power in this area have all been instrumental in contributing to the regulation of marriage migration since the early 1900s.
This research investigates the ways in which marriage migration, which was relatively insignificant in the early phases of post-War immigration, has become the object of intense state scrutiny and the site of political interventions in the past twenty years, as family-related migration became the main legal mode of entry in Western Europe, Canada and the United States (Kraler, 2010). Such interventions have taken different forms, and have become increasingly debated. Indeed, they seem to pit what many deem to be a fundamental principle in Western democracies, namely the right to family life (at least for established citizens), against calls and pressures for tightened migration policies.
From academic, policy, and sponsors’ perspectives, what is known about the private sponsorship of refugees in Canada? Since its inception in the 1970s, the federal government has enabled the private sponsorship of tens of thousands of refugees across the country. From the outset, the government pledged to resettle one refugee for every privately sponsored individual when the program was first introduced. Yet government plans for 2017 suggest there will be more privately sponsored refugees than government-assisted refugees. Riding a current wave of positive public opinion and high level of engagement in refugee sponsorship by private citizens in Canada, this brief provides a critical overview of what is known about private refugee sponsorship; identifies some gaps and areas of concern; and analyzes in brief negative impacts of policy changes to PSR processing made over the last five years.
Depuis 2011, le Canada a détenu plus de 200 enfants canadiens au Centre de détention d'immigrants de Toronto. Le rapport recommande que le Canada mette en place des alternatives à la détention d'enfants, plutôt que de les détenir dans des centres de détention et les séparer de leurs parents.
Le rapport de 57 pages fait le suivi du rapport qui avait été publié en septembre 2016, “No Life for a Child”: A Roadmap to End Immigration Detention of Children and Family Separation. Le nouveau rapport réitère que les familles détenues devraient être relâchées et avoir accès à des alternatives communautaires à la détention.
Since 2011, Canada has housed more than two hundred Canadian children in detention in Toronto’s Immigration Holding Centre, alongside hundreds of formally detained non-Canadian children, according to the report Invisible Citizens: Canadian Children in Immigration Detention (PDF) from the University of Toronto’s International Human Rights Program (IHRP). The report recommends that Canada urgently implement alternatives to the detention of children rather than confining them in immigration detention facilities or separating them from their detained parents.
The 57-page report is a follow-up to the IHRP’s September 2016 report on non-Canadian children in immigration detention, “No Life for a Child”: A Roadmap to End Immigration Detention of Children and Family Separation. The new report reiterates that families in detention should be released outright or given access to community-based alternatives to detention, such as reporting obligations, financial deposits and guarantors.
C’est avec un immense plaisir que nous vous annoncons la parution du premier rapport de recherche réalisé dans le cadre du projet Migration de mariage et technologies de l’amour: comprendre la gouvernementalité de la migration de mariage en Europe et en Amérique du Nord dirigé par Anne-Marie D’Aoust, professeure au département de sciences politiques et membre du CRIEC de l’Université du Québec à Montréal.
" Human mobility has been an inherent human condition throughout the history of humanity. From earliest human history, people have migrated in search of a better life, to populate other places on the planet, or to escape and survive human-made or natural dangers. Although human mobility has been a constant throughout all periods of human history, it was the creation of the nation-state –which can be traced to the Treaties of Westphalia of 1648- that introduced the phenomenon now known as international migration. The reorganization of the international community into a set of territorial states with established geographic boundaries enabled states to exercise authority over persons who settled within their borders and those attempting to cross them [...]".
Danish Institute for international studies - When migrants die in attempts to reach Europe, one response is to launch information campaigns about the risks involved in irregular migration. However, information campaigns seldom stem migration, primarily because they are based on two wrong assumptions: First, that aspiring migrants are ignorant about the risks involved, and, second, that the root causes of exploitative migration rest with human smugglers and traffickers.
3.71 A surprisingly large number of those who attended the detainee forum I organised had been detained because of allegedly sham marriages. Most had been detained after Home Office interviews in Liverpool or Manchester. The questions they said they had been asked by caseworkers to ascertain whether their marriage was a sham included their knowledge of their wife’s National Insurance number, the colour of her underwear, and her bra size. If this was indeed the case, it is questionable whether such questions were either appropriate or useful.
The decline in the number of Mexican immigrants living in the U.S. also is reflected in a 2015 Pew Research Center survey done in Mexico, in which a decreasing share of Mexicans report connections in the U.S. Today, 35% of adults in Mexico say they have friends or relatives they regularly communicate with or visit in the U.S., down 7 percentage points from 2007, when the Mexican immigrant population in the U.S. had reached its peak.