Politiques relatives à la migration via le mariage

La tension entre le droit au regroupement familial prévu par les directives européennes et le souci des États membres de protéger leur souveraineté en régulant la migration a suscité une attention et une inquiétude accrues, notamment concernant les relations familiales frauduleuses (en particulier les mariages de complaisance). Cette contribution se penche sur les formes de contrôle autorisées dans la perspective du droit européen et se questionne à savoir si les pratiques nationales sont conformes au droit européen et aux droits fondamentaux.

The tension between the right to family reunification as laid down in European Directives and Member States’ concern to protect their sovereignty in regulating migration has resulted in growing attention to and concern about fraudulent family relationships (especially marriages of convenience). This contribution addresses the question of what forms of control are permissible from a European law perspective and whether national practices are in conformity with European law and fundamental rights. 

This study seeks to consider how marriage migration to the UK has been regulated from 1900 to the present day, as well as analysing some of the contributory factors to and consequences of such regulation. Immigration in general often raises acute tensions across political boundaries and marriage migrants have raised particular socio-political issues which various administrations have attempted to address over the years. Issues of race, gender, culture and identity and different theorisations of the limits of state power in this area have all been instrumental in contributing to the regulation of marriage migration since the early 1900s.

C’est avec un immense plaisir que nous vous annoncons la parution du premier rapport de recherche réalisé dans le cadre du projet Migration de mariage et technologies de l’amour: comprendre la gouvernementalité de la migration de mariage en Europe et en Amérique du Nord dirigé par Anne-Marie D’Aoust, professeure au département de sciences politiques et membre du CRIEC de l’Université du Québec à Montréal.

Associate Professor of Law Dr Helena Wray and her Middlesex colleague, Co-Director of the Social Policy Research Centre Eleonore Kofman, consider the latest evidence ahead of the Supreme Court hearing on the minimum income requirement.

Immigration Minister John McCallum says he’s planning on introducing changes in the “next couple of months” that will grant permanent resident status to the sponsored spouses of Canadians, immediately, upon arriving in Canada.

“When spouses come in now, they don’t immediately become permanent residents; there’s a two-year period where they are not yet permanent residents,” Mr. McCallum (Markham-Thornhill, Ont.) said in an interview with The Hill Times. “We said in our platform that we will end that so that they will become permanent residents on arrival.”

Les mariages mixtes ont toujours eu une relation ambiguë et souvent problématique avec la loi. D’une part, ils ont souvent été perçus comme étant un indicateur de l’intégration socio-culturelle dans la société. En termes juridiques, cette perception a été exprimée via un accès privilégié à la nationalité pour les membres des familles des citoyens. D’autre part, les mariages mixtes sont souvent vus comme représentant une menace à la société et la cohésion sociale. Dans cet article, Betty de Hart essaie de démontrer que les perceptions contradictoires des mariages mixtes ont influencé le développement du droit à la citoyenneté à travers le temps. 

Mixed marriages have always had an ambiguous and often problematic relationship with the law. On one hand, mixed marriages have been seen as a key indicator of sociocultural integration into mainstream society. In terms of the law, this perception has been expressed, for example, as privileged access to citizenship status for immigrant family members of citizens. 

According to IPS estimates, non-EU family migration to the UK increased from an average of 35,000 per year in the 1990s to 45,000 in 2013, or 20% of all non-EU immigration that year. These estimates include both dependents and family unification migrants. Family migration, like overall migration to the UK, increased from 1997 to the mid-2000s, peaking at 74,000 in 2006 (see figure 1). Also similar to other categories of migration, family migration declined in the second half of the 2000s. But these shifts in family migration were smaller in magnitude than similar shifts in migration for work or study. As a result of these trends, family migration comprises a smaller share of overall migration now than it did in the 1990s (see our the Migration Observatory briefing on Immigration by Category: Workers, Students, Family Members, Asylum Applicants). Although this briefing focuses on non-EU migration, it is worth noting that, including  EU nationals, family migration is now at similar levels to the 1990s. LTIM estimates of family migration were 90,000 in 1991 and averaged 75,000 during the 1990s. LTIM estimates had increased to 105,000 by 2006 but fell to 71,000 in 2013.

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