Immigrant

Cet article analyse les aspects clés de la régulation d'entrée et de séjour des conjoints migrants en provenance des États de l'EEE. Il démontre qu'il y a des différences de régulation, particulière entre les États d'Europe de l'Est et du Sud par rapport aux États de l'Ouest et du Nord de l'Europe, mais, dans la majorité des cas, le nombre de différence est limité. L'article connecte cette "ressemblance familiale" au concept plus large d'européanisation. Même là où il n'y a pas d'obligation légale, les normes légales européennes et la pratique dans d'autres États européens circonscrivent ce qui est possible. 

This article analyses key aspects of the regulation of entry and stay of spousal migrants in eea member states. It shows that there are differences of regulation, particularly between states in Eastern and Southern Europe and states in Northern and Western Europe but, in most cases, the amount of divergence is limited. The article connects this ‘family resemblance’ to a broad concept of Europeanisation. Even where there is no binding legal obligation, European legal norms and the practice in other European states largely circumscribe what is possible.

Although gender offers valuable perspectives for understanding migration law, masculinity has received little attention. In family migration, men are generally regarded as economic agents and family as marginal to their lives, a view that is difficult to dislodge because it serves the purposes of governments anxious to reduce unwanted immigration. In British immigration law, measures have often explicitly or implicitly relied on such gender-based assumptions.

Although gender offers valuable perspectives for understanding migration law, masculinity has received little attention. In family migration, men are generally regarded as economic agents and family as marginal to their lives, a view that is difficult to dislodge because it serves the purposes of governments anxious to reduce unwanted immigration. In British immigration law, measures have often explicitly or implicitly relied on such gender-based assumptions.

Ce chapitre examine les circonstances dans lesquelles un mariage impliquant un conjoint migrant hors-EEA est désigné comme un simulacre de mariage afin que les droits de séjour soient refusés. Il analyse les problèmes de compréhension et de définition d’un faux mariage et fait valoir que les contrôles sur les mariages fictifs régulent souvent un plus large éventail de mariages que ceux conclus dans le seul but d'obtenir des droits de résidence.

This chapter investigates the circumstances in which a marriage involving a non- EEA migrant spouse is designated a sham marriage so that residence rights are refused. It analyses the problems of understanding and defining a sham marriage and argues that controls over sham marriages often regulate a much wider range of marriages than those entered for the sole purpose of obtaining residence rights.

While families all over the world enlist the help of family, friends, or paid day care for their children, the need to do so is especially strong for individual women (single or divorced) who work outside the home to earn a living. Women who migrate for work in another country, in search of better pay, may need to have children stay in the homes of others in the country of origin. That "good mothering" may take many forms was not initially recognized under Dutch immigration law. The approach in the Netherlands eventually brbought it into conflict with European human rights law and with the merging immigration law of the European Union (EU).

While families all over the world enlist the help of family, friends, or paid day care for their children, the need to do so is especially strong for individual women (single or divorced) who work outside the home to earn a living. Women who migrate for work in another country, in search of better pay, may need to have children stay in the homes of others in the country of origin. That "good mothering" may take many forms was not initially recognized under Dutch immigration law. The approach in the Netherlands eventually brbought it into conflict with European human rights law and with the merging immigration law of the European Union (EU).

Dans ce chapitre, je vais donner un bref survol des changements normatifs qui ont eu lieu aux Pays-Bas au cours de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. Je vais évaluer ces changements aux développements qui ont eu lieu, au cours de la même période, à la régulation de la migration familiale aux Pays-Bas. Ensuite, je vais explorer la façon dont le régime de la migration familiale qui a pris forme à la fin du XXe siècle se rapporte à un nouveau contexte de la mondialisation comme théorisé par, entre autres, Sassen. Enfin, je vais questionner si et dans quelle mesure l'héritage raciste du passé colonial néerlandais se répercutent dans le contexte actuel.

In this chapter, I shall give a brief account of the normative changes that have taken place in the Netherlands in the course of the second half of the twentieth century. I shall relate these changes to developments that have taken place, during the same period, in the regulation of family migration to the Netherlands. Next, I shall explore how the family migration regime that has taken shape at the end of the twentieth century relates to an emerging context of globalisation as theorised by, among others, Sassen. Finally, I shall question if and to what extent the racist legacy of the Dutch colonial past does indeed reverberate in the present-day context. 

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