Marriage migration related policies

According to IPS estimates, non-EU family migration to the UK increased from an average of 35,000 per year in the 1990s to 45,000 in 2013, or 20% of all non-EU immigration that year. These estimates include both dependents and family unification migrants. Family migration, like overall migration to the UK, increased from 1997 to the mid-2000s, peaking at 74,000 in 2006 (see figure 1). Also similar to other categories of migration, family migration declined in the second half of the 2000s. But these shifts in family migration were smaller in magnitude than similar shifts in migration for work or study. As a result of these trends, family migration comprises a smaller share of overall migration now than it did in the 1990s (see our the Migration Observatory briefing on Immigration by Category: Workers, Students, Family Members, Asylum Applicants). Although this briefing focuses on non-EU migration, it is worth noting that, including  EU nationals, family migration is now at similar levels to the 1990s. LTIM estimates of family migration were 90,000 in 1991 and averaged 75,000 during the 1990s. LTIM estimates had increased to 105,000 by 2006 but fell to 71,000 in 2013.

Le capitalisme avancé est caractérisée par un niveau de production symbolique qui non seulement entraîne une dématérialisation du travail, mais repose de plus en plus sur des composantes hautement émotionnelles, allant du désir de la consommation à la gestion de la main-d'œuvre. Des sentiments aussi variés que l'amour, la colère, et le désir sont parties intégrantes des processus néolibérales, mais pas d'une manière sans problèmes et monolithique.

De Hart discute de ces formes de régulation du sexe, des relations et des mariages entre les groupes qui ont été considérés comme mélangés sur le plan de la race ou de l'ethnie. Elle fournit des exemples historiques, tels que les mesures contre les «Negrocabarets» et contre les mariages néerlandais-chinois dans les années 1930.

De Hart discusses these forms of regulation of sex, relationships and marriages between groups that were considered ‘racially’ or ‘ethnically’ mixed. She provides historical examples, such as the measures against ‘Negrocabarets’ and against Dutch-Chinese marriages, both in the 1930s.

Ce chapitre analyse l'évolution de la réglementation au Royaume-Uni des mariages transnationaux depuis qu'ils sont devenus une question de premier plan dans les années 1960. Il emploie les récentes définitions de la «frontière» afin de faire valoir que la réglementation coïncidait initialement avec la frontière géographique avant d'être exporté par l'établissement de l'externalisation des frontières.

This chapter analyses the evolution of regulation in the UK of transnational marriages since they first became a prominent issue in the 1960s. It employs recent understandings of the ‘border’ to argue that regulation initially coincided with the geographical border before being exported through the establishment of compulsory entrance clearance. 

Ce chapitre examine les circonstances dans lesquelles un mariage impliquant un conjoint migrant hors-EEA est désigné comme un simulacre de mariage afin que les droits de séjour soient refusés. Il analyse les problèmes de compréhension et de définition d’un faux mariage et fait valoir que les contrôles sur les mariages fictifs régulent souvent un plus large éventail de mariages que ceux conclus dans le seul but d'obtenir des droits de résidence.

This chapter investigates the circumstances in which a marriage involving a non- EEA migrant spouse is designated a sham marriage so that residence rights are refused. It analyses the problems of understanding and defining a sham marriage and argues that controls over sham marriages often regulate a much wider range of marriages than those entered for the sole purpose of obtaining residence rights.

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