Managing citizenship, security, and rights : regulating marriage migration in Europe and North America.
Our collaborators’ Publications
The tension between the right to family reunification as laid down in European Directives and Member States’ concern to protect their sovereignty in regulating migration has resulted in growing attention to and concern about fraudulent family relationships (especially marriages of convenience). This contribution addresses the question of what forms of control are permissible from a European law perspective and whether national practices are in conformity with European law and fundamental rights.
This study seeks to consider how marriage migration to the UK has been regulated from 1900 to the present day, as well as analysing some of the contributory factors to and consequences of such regulation. Immigration in general often raises acute tensions across political boundaries and marriage migrants have raised particular socio-political issues which various administrations have attempted to address over the years. Issues of race, gender, culture and identity and different theorisations of the limits of state power in this area have all been instrumental in contributing to the regulation of marriage migration since the early 1900s.
This research investigates the ways in which marriage migration, which was relatively insignificant in the early phases of post-War immigration, has become the object of intense state scrutiny and the site of political interventions in the past twenty years, as family-related migration became the main legal mode of entry in Western Europe, Canada and the United States (Kraler, 2010). Such interventions have taken different forms, and have become increasingly debated. Indeed, they seem to pit what many deem to be a fundamental principle in Western democracies, namely the right to family life (at least for established citizens), against calls and pressures for tightened migration policies.
From academic, policy, and sponsors’ perspectives, what is known about the private sponsorship of refugees in Canada? Since its inception in the 1970s, the federal government has enabled the private sponsorship of tens of thousands of refugees across the country. From the outset, the government pledged to resettle one refugee for every privately sponsored individual when the program was first introduced. Yet government plans for 2017 suggest there will be more privately sponsored refugees than government-assisted refugees. Riding a current wave of positive public opinion and high level of engagement in refugee sponsorship by private citizens in Canada, this brief provides a critical overview of what is known about private refugee sponsorship; identifies some gaps and areas of concern; and analyzes in brief negative impacts of policy changes to PSR processing made over the last five years.
Since 2011, Canada has housed more than two hundred Canadian children in detention in Toronto’s Immigration Holding Centre, alongside hundreds of formally detained non-Canadian children, according to the report Invisible Citizens: Canadian Children in Immigration Detention (PDF) from the University of Toronto’s International Human Rights Program (IHRP). The report recommends that Canada urgently implement alternatives to the detention of children rather than confining them in immigration detention facilities or separating them from their detained parents.
The 57-page report is a follow-up to the IHRP’s September 2016 report on non-Canadian children in immigration detention, “No Life for a Child”: A Roadmap to End Immigration Detention of Children and Family Separation. The new report reiterates that families in detention should be released outright or given access to community-based alternatives to detention, such as reporting obligations, financial deposits and guarantors.
" Human mobility has been an inherent human condition throughout the history of humanity. From earliest human history, people have migrated in search of a better life, to populate other places on the planet, or to escape and survive human-made or natural dangers. Although human mobility has been a constant throughout all periods of human history, it was the creation of the nation-state –which can be traced to the Treaties of Westphalia of 1648- that introduced the phenomenon now known as international migration. The reorganization of the international community into a set of territorial states with established geographic boundaries enabled states to exercise authority over persons who settled within their borders and those attempting to cross them [...]".
Discrimination between the sexes concerning the transmission, acquisition or retention of nationality, in particular the dependence of a married woman on her husband’s nationality, was written into the nationality laws of many states in the nineteenth century. This form of discrimination had started to provoke protests from international women’s associations, from the early twentieth century on. After the First World War, in a period marked both by the rise of nationalism and by the acquisition of women’s suffrage in many countries, the debate took a further international turn. This article analyses, from an international perspective, the arguments of the various protagonists in a debate which revived the tensions between individualism and familialism, and provided an opportunity to reformulate the parameters of women’s citizenship.
"Dans la préface qu’elle donne au livre de son ancienne doctorante (2008), Françoise Thébaud souligne qu’il s’agit là d’une « histoire sociale et genrée des politiques nationales d’immigration et de naturalisation, et des pratiques administratives qui les mettent en œuvre », à partir du cas de Marseille, au cours des dernières années de la Troisième République (1918-1940). Linda Guerry s’attelle à cette tâche en se confrontant à des milliers de documents puisés dans les fonds archivistiques parisiens (Archives nationales) et marseillais (archives départementales des Bouches-du-Rhône, archives municipales, archives de la Chambre de commerce) [...]".
This article is based on empirical research with West African migrant women working in prostitution in Paris. Given current migration regulations in Western Europe, as well as state policies on prostitution, the traffickers and people considered to be trafficking victims de facto form part of the same economy of the margins. What is needed to cut down on the number of trafficking victims is to guarantee basic human rights to migrants.
This article analyzes what can happen to forced returnees upon arrival in their country of nationality. Subjective configurations of state agents in the Global South have created return risks, which in turn transform subjectivities of post-colonial citizens. The article contributes to this Special Issue by tracing repercussions of the externalization and internalization of border controls.
The UK government is considering allowing other forms of financial support - other than the sponsoring spouse's income - to be included for the purpose of the minimum income requirement, in some circumstances.
“We want all permanent residents, if possible, to become Canadians,” said Canada’s Immigration Minister, Ahmed Hussen, at a recent conference in Toronto, and now the process will become quicker and simpler for immigrants to the country.
The Government of Canada has removed the condition that applied to some sponsored spouses or partners of Canadian citizens and permanent residents to live with their sponsor in order to keep their permanent resident status.